Sampang regent ‘sides’ with the ulema

Sampang Regent Noer Tjahja is upset. A protracted disagreement over faith has turned deadly in his little town of less than 1 million people in Madura.

And worst yet, according to him, since the news of the attack against followers of the imprisoned Shia cleric Tajul Muluk surfaced, no one had got it right.

Some 300 meters across the road from where hundreds of Shiites take shelter at an indoor tennis stadium, Noer was sitting on the side of an outdoor tennis court.

Taking a break from his Saturday morning tennis, he met with The Jakarta Post. His brows furrowed, his deep big voice echoed across the court while he lambasted the media, the Jakarta political elites and human rights organizations for their comments.

Two people died in the Aug. 26 attack against Shiites in Blu’uran and Karang Gayam villages by a Sunni mob of over 1,000 people. The mob razed 37 houses in Blu’uran and Karang Gayam villages, displacing around 270 Shiites.

Since the attack, many had put in their two cents. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono blamed lack of police intelligence, poor early detection, and a solidarity alliance in Sampang accused Madura clerics and the regent of being behind the anti-Shia movement in Sampang.

Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi and Constitutional Court judge Mafud MD have said that the government would protect the rights of the Shia minority, promising to rebuild the houses of victims and guarantee their safety.

But Noer, elected in 2007, said any information about the conflict and its solution in Sampang from anyone other than him was wrong. He said he would like to meet the President to give his opinions on the conflict.

“I’ll tell him the true chronology, ‘If [Yudhoyono] receives information other than from me. It’s wrong. It’s wrong even if it’s from your aides. Don’t listen to it’,” he said.

“In all actuality we don’t have a Shia problem. The problem is about a family feud and a defiant sect — blasphemy…” Noer added.

The regent was referring to a feud between Tajul and his brother Roisul Hukamah, a convert to Sunni from Shia whose report on Tajul over blasphemy had brought the latter to court.

The court sentenced Tajul to two years in prison. Rois, as he is popularly known, is currently the sole suspect in the Sunday attacks.

“This is like a minority group is forcing their will on the majority. You shouldn’t turn it the other way around. Those in Jakarta are twisted. I have 900,000 residents. Of course I will prefer the dominant position,” he said.

Last Thursday, Iklil, Tajul’s brother, who has been staying with the rest of the refugees at the tennis stadium, walked across the street to the regent’s office. He has been wearing the same outfit for days, a white T-shirt and blue jeans. His house was among those burned by the mob.

That day, legislators from the House of Representatives visited Sampang from Jakarta to learn about the conflict. The members of Commission III had lunch with the regent and his staff at his office. Sampang ulema from Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and The Sampang chapter of the Indonesian Muslim Council (MUI) were also present.

Iklil said that he was asked to come there.

“I walked to the pendopo [the regent’s office] but they were already finished. So, I walked back here,” he said.

Noer visited the refugee camp once, a day after the attack. But, until Saturday, he has been tight lipped on Sampang’s administration’s plan for the victims.

Sampang MUI and NU leaders, Bukhori Maksum and Syafi’uddin Wahid, who hold a lot of clout in Sampang politics, have stated that Shiites will not be accepted on their land.

As of writing, the refugees are still sleeping on mattresses inside the stadium.

“We want to return to our lands,” Iklil said. Rumors about relocation plans have been flying around. Iklil flatly refuses to be sent away. “It’s our homeland and we’re also worried that if we become banished people from our own land, how can we be sure that we would not face the same problem elsewhere?” he said.

From jail, Tajul echoes his brother’s statement. He also said he refuses “relocation” plans because it would give a bad image of Sampang people.

In a Sidoarjo jail, Tajul wears the orange T-shirt of prisoners. He has been transferred to Sidoarjo after the Aug. 26 attack in Sampang. Tajul and his lawyers deem that it would be safer for Tajul to not be in Sampang.

Tajul’s view is that the Sampang administration want to kick his followers out of Sampang, just like they did to him. In 2011, the Sampang administration made him move to Malang to appease the ulema in Sampang.

Ever since Tajul returned from the Middle East in 1999, and started to become a local cleric, teaching his Shia beliefs to the community in his village, local clerics have persistently pressurized Tajul to return to Sunni teachings and stop his clerical activities. The cleric who first attempted to make Tajul “repent” in 2005 was Ali Kharrar, Tajul’s
grandfather’s brother in-law.

Noer Tjahja refuses to call Tajul Muluk followers Shiites. Shia, a denomination in Islam, believes the leadership of Islam was to remain with the prophet Muhammad’s bloodline. Despite the differences with the mainstream Sunni teachings, the national MUI has never released an edict that Shia is deviant.

The Sampang court found Tajul guilty of blasphemy on the basis that he stated that the current holy Koran was not authentic. Noer believes that the refugees are adhering to a deviant teaching based on that court’s decision.

Noer also says that he follows the Sampang MUI and NU who have released edicts that Tajul’s teachings were deviant.

Noer says that unless Tajul followers “repent” and the community accept them back, rebuilding homes in the area is not an option. “If the houses were rebuilt, it’s like sending people to hot embers,” he said. Due to strong rejection of the Shia minority from the community, if the latter refused to leave, “lives are at stake here”, he said.

Tajul’s lawyer Abdullah Djoepriyono said that faith was a personal issue that the government could not force on anyone.

But, Noer said that he did not care if he violated human rights, as long as he saved the majority in Sampang.

To illustrate the community’s hostility toward the Shia group, Noer said that when the body of Muhammad Khosim or Hamama, 50, the Shiite who died of machete wounds, was taken back to his village, his neighbors refused to let him be buried in the public cemetary.

“The community rejects not only Tajul but the whole group,” he said.

The Blu’uran and Karang Gayam villages where Tajul’s followers come from are small farming communities. In the dry season, such as now, the produce from the fields is tobacco leaves. These fields turn into rice fields during the rainy season.

After the attack, three companies of Brimob officers were deployed to the area. Next to tobacco fields and village houses, officers holding rifles stand guard.

At Blu’uran villagers are sitting inside a bamboo gazebo. A man and a woman stack tobacco leaves into a pile. Others watch television. Mela, 30, a young mother feeds her toddler instant noodles.

“Yes I know that there are Shia people there,” she says. “I don’t know them though,” she added. The burned house of the Shiite family was separated by one house from the gazebo. She said she did not know anything about the attack.

Young men in sarongs standing in front of village houses also say they did not hear anything on Sunday.

According to a Brimob officer from Surabaya, the people in Blu’uran were very private and kept their distance from outsiders. He said that he had asked for days about what happened there, but all he got was “I don’t know”.

A Madurese Brimob officer, Junaidi, told the Post that people in these villages lived together and knew each other. Both Shia and Sunni people worked together in the fields.

He said that people became suspicious of Tajul when they saw how from three to four people coming to Tajul’s small mosque on Friday prayers, his congregation grew until the mosque could not contain the followers. “They overflow outside the mosque,” he said.

But, not all people were disturbed by the increasing popularity of the Shia group. Muhyin, a 21-year-old Shiite, said that a Sunni family hid him when the burning was going on.

According to Tajul, politics is at play in the persecution of Shiites in Sampang. He said that the pressure and eventual attack against Shiite groups happened because Noer continued to follow the wishes of local ulema there.

Noer acknowledges that. Running for election in December to secure his current position, he said he will do whatever the ulema wants.

“The ulema owns Sampang, I am merely a worker for them,” he said, adding that he follows the local customary convention in Madura in which holds the ulema in higher respect than the government.

For Noer, whatever the ulema say in Madura, is his command.

Wahyoe Boediwhardana contributed to the reporting.

Prodita Sabarini, The Jakarta Post, Sampang, East Java | National | Sun, September 09 2012

Paying alms can solve poverty: A big ‘if’

In Ramadhan, Muslims are reminded of their obligation to pay alms to the poor. The Jakarta Post’s Prodita Sabarini looks at the collection and management of alms, which are now regulated by law.

For many years, Indonesian Muslims have channeled their alms through mosques or by giving directly to the needy. But the rise of professionally managed alms agencies is changing the way Muslims help their brothers and sisters in need.

From online bank transfers and monthly direct debits, to alms through premium text messages, alms giving has made a leap from the traditional cash-in-hand distribution to the Web 2.0 era of online transactions.

The consequences of the change are enormous, according to leaders of Islamic charitable organizations in Indonesia. Utilizing the principle of crowd-sourcing funds, these alms organization are brimming with optimistic intent to solve the problem of poverty in Indonesia.

Data from the Central Statistic Agency (BPS) states that 31.9 million people or 13.3 percent of the population in Indonesia are poor, living on under Rp 233,740 (US$24.7) per month.

The National Alms Agency (BAZNAS) last year conducted a joint study with the Bogor Institute of Agriculture’s (IPB) school of economy and management, stating that Indonesia has the potential to collect Rp 217 trillion in zakat (Islamic mandatory alms). This estimate is more than twice the amount of
the national budget allocated by the Finance Ministry for poverty alleviation, which stands at Rp 99.2 trillion this year.

“If we collect Rp 217 trillion of zakat, we can say: that’s it. The problem of poverty can be managed by zakat,” BAZNAS executive director Teten Kustiawan said recently.

There is only one small problem with Teten’s confident contention: a very big “if”.

In reality, zakat collection in Indonesia is less than one percent of the amount that BAZNAS and IPB conjured up. In 2011, the national collection of zakat through BAZNAS, its provincial chapters and all registered private alms foundations was Rp 1.7 trillion, a mere 0.8 percent of the BAZNAS and IPB figure for zakat potential.

This figure excludes zakat collection from 7 of 19 national private alms agencies who failed to send reports to BAZNAS. The data also excludes zakat collected and distributed by mosques and private individuals.

This small percentage of realized zakat against zakat potential is not to say that alms agencies and foundations are not growing, far from it. Between 2002 and 2012, zakat collection through Islamic charities rose by more than 1,000 percent: an average 24 percent increase each year.

Five years ago in 2007, zakat collected by agencies and foundations stood at Rp 770 billion. Money collected by zakat agencies and foundations continues to rise even faster than the growth in the number of zakat foundations, said Teten.

Dompet Dhuafa Republika now collects as much as Rp 200 billion, according to executive director
Ahmad Juwaini. The funds collected have grown from a mere Rp 88 million in 1993, when Dompet Dhuafa, with the support of the Islamic-leaning newspaper Republika, pioneered professional alms management.

The Community Caring Justice Post (PKPU), established in 1999 to answer the social crisis during the sectarian conflict in Poso, managed to raise Rp 3.5 billion in their first round of fundraising. Last year, they collected Rp 80 billion, according to PKPU deputy CEO and head of the Forum Zakat (FOZ) Sri Adi Bramasetia.

Alms agencies have become much more visible, taking an aggressive marketing approach with advertisements in the media. This Ramadhan, the PKPU is running the campaign “Jangan ditahan” (Don’t resist it), playing with the concept of resisting temptation during the fasting month.

“People become curious. What is this ‘don’t resist’ thing? And then they get it — that you shouldn’t just keep your money. You should pay zakat,” Bramasetia said.

While charitable fund managers are certain that zakat money will be more beneficially distributed under their management, skeptics argue that channeling zakat through agencies will only waste zakat intended for the poor, as agencies skim off the money for operational and campaign costs.

Dompet Dhuafa, for example, uses soccer star Bambang Pamungkas in their media campaign. However, according to Islamic law, some 12.5 percent of the donated funds belong to the Amil (zakat collector and manager).

Ahmad’s response is that zakat agencies enable large amounts of funds to be collected and utilized in various aid programs for the poor. Dompet Dhuafa’s health program for the poor includes a free hospital and 34 free polyclinics across the country. Ahmad said that the hospital building and equipment alone costs Rp 60 billion and operational costs are around Rp 20 billion.

“Where will you find a community here willing and able to spend Rp 20 billion for a free hospital? Nobody could afford that. But if Dompet Dhuafa collects the money — not only Rp 20 billion, even Rp 50 billion, we’ll cover it.

“That’s the difference between paying zakat alone and collecting zakat together,” he said.

To manage and ensure accountability of alms agencies, last year the House of Representatives passed a new law on zakat management, replacing the 1999 law. BAZNAS became the official national zakat collector and coordinator of all alms foundations.

This is not the first time the state has become involved in zakat collection. In 1968, Soeharto appointed himself as the national Amil and BAZ Jakarta, which later became BAZIS Jakarta, was established. The self-appointment of Soeharto as Amil, however, did not change the traditional face of zakat. Lacking appropriate social welfare and empowerment programs, people deem zakat management as “a job lacking any prestige”, Ahmad said.

“There was no sense of pride. Zakat was managed on the side, at the end of Ramadhan, and channeled through mosques, then distributed to the poor in the area. That pattern was the norm for decades,” Ahmad said.

As alms agencies grow with clear and effective programs, along with transparent financial reports — most alms agencies publish their audited financial reports on their website; the 2011 law obliges agencies to audit their finances — the charity organizations are gaining people’s trust.

For PKPU, transparency in fund management is not enough. They also have to withstand allegations of partisanship. PKPU was founded by cadres of the Justice Party, which later became the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

Bramasetia said in answer allegations of partisanship, PKPU registered with the UN for a special consultative status with the UN Economic and Social Council. One prerequisite for any NGO to be granted consultative status was independence. In 2008, PKPU became the sixth Indonesian organization to receive such status.

Most of the alms agencies have five main program areas: economic empowerment, education, health, disaster response and religious development. Bramasetia said that most of zakat money goes on economic empowerment programs, which include grant money to set up micro-finance co-ops or capacity building programs.

Once, PKPU helped guava farmers transform fresh produce into extracts or puree. “When the harvest season comes, the price of guavas falls, but with our training, farmers are able to sell with added value as well as preserve their harvest in different forms,” he said.

Ahmad of Dompet Dhuafa questions people who give their zakat in the form of cash hand outs, in which people queue, sometimes for hours, to receive a mere Rp 50,000.

“Isn’t that torture? And how long does the food that they give last? How does that help with health and education?

“I say this is an egotistical form of worship. It’s merely ‘I’m happy that I can observe this ritual. The poor are happy to receive my help. He kisses my hand with his lips trembling with prayers for me while his tears flow’,” Ahmad said.

“Our pride is satisfied by that kind of ritual. But is that really what we’re looking for?”

Prodita Sabarini, The Jakarta Post | Reportage | Tue, August 21 2012

Despite limits, mosques remain popular way to channel alms

Come Ramadhan, mosques in Indonesia bustle with people donating and collecting alms, or zakat, for the fasting month.

On the porch of one mosque in Condet, East Jakarta, a banner read: “Accepting zakat, infaq, and sedekah”. At another mosque in West Jakarta, three youngsters were seen setting up a post to receive alms. In Central Jakarta, after tarawih, or Ramadhan evening prayers, an official of another mosque reviewed his logbook on alms collection.

Islamic law obliges Muslims who are able to give two types of zakat. The first is zakat fitrah, or donations of food (or of cash earmarked for food), given at the end of Ramadhan. In Indonesia, recipients of zakat fitrah typically take home about 3.5 liters of rice. The second type of alms, zakat maal, comprises at least 2.5 percent of a person’s earnings and assets. Infaq and sedekah, meanwhile, are voluntary donations.

Despite the rise of zakat agencies and foundations in Indonesia, mosques remain prominent in collecting and channeling alms. However, mosques have been better at managing donations geared for consumption, according to leaders of zakat agencies and foundations.

At Baitul Huda Mosque in Kebon Kacang, Central Jakarta, Karto Suwiryo, known better as Ato, stands among sacks of rice piled three or four high. The zakat fitrah distribution organizer ordered a ton of rice to be disbursed to the poor during Idul Fitri.

A local trader sent the sacks of rice the night before, Ato, 48, said. The mosque will pay for the rice after it receives the last zakat fitrah payment on the eve of Idul Fitri.

Ato said that the mosque intended to deliver alms to 800 people this year, about Rp 27,000 (about US$ 2.85) per person. At Masjid At-Taqwa, in Pal-merah, West Jakarta, the organizers rounded the zakat fitrah payment up to Rp 30,000 per person.

Besides receiving zakat fitrah payments from donors each year, the mosque, located in the streets behind the Grand Indonesia, Plaza Indonesia and EX shopping malls, has also attracted donations from its well-healed neighbors.

Ato said that one of the malls donated Rp 100 million to renovate the mosque. Baitul Huda mosque treasurer Rubby Mudraf added that anonymous donors often sent building materials, such as a truckload of sand or cement, when the mosque was renovated last year.

There are nearly 9,000 mosques in Jakarta, according to the Religious Affairs Ministry. With Muslims comprising 88 percent of the nation’s population of almost 240 million people, Indonesia has almost 240,000 mosques.

Ato said that neighborhood leaders would start listing poor people eligible for zakat fitrah donations a week before Idul Fitri. Included in the list would be children with single parents. He said in his area, which was full of boarding houses for people working around Jl. MH Thamrin, there were less than 100 poor families.

Mosque volunteers from Baitul Huda would then deliver the donations to their homes, he said.

“We make it our policy to not let anyone line up for donations,” Ato said. Helmi Ryansyah, 17, a volunteer at At Taqwa mosque also said that local teens would deliver the alms to the doorsteps of the poor.

Mosques have learned from past experiences, especially from the deadly stampede during Ramadhan in Pasuruan, East Java in 2008, in which 21 people were killed while lining up for cash handouts.

According to Forum Zakat (FOZ) head Sri Adi Bramasetia, zakat fitrah provides donation for consumption, targeting people who are extremely poor.

“The poor who are so poor that they could not be reached through economic empowerment programs … like it or not, [the alms] have to be for consumption,” he said.

National Alms Agency (BAZNAS) executive director Teten Kustiawan said that funneling zakat fitrah through mosques was appropriate, as local mosques had more direct knowledge of the people who were in need.

However, due to the nature of the donations and the limited resources, alms collected by mosques had little chance in lifting people out of poverty, according to alms foundation Dompet Dhuafa executive director Ahmad Juwaini.

— JP/Prodita Sabarini

The Jakarta Post | Reportage | Tue, August 21 2012

The debate on tax breaks for ‘zakat’

The law already lets those who pay zakat contribute less to the state’s coffers, although some advocates want there to be more deductions for Muslims who pay alms.

The 2011 Law on Zakat Management and tax laws provide for zakat deductions to reduce a person’s taxable income.

For example, people who earn Rp 15 million (US$1,575) and pay 2.5 percent (Rp 375,000) of their income as zakat can reduce the base figure by which their taxes are determined by attaching proof of zakat payment to an official alms agency.

This, however, would not do much to reduce an individual’s tax burden, according to advocates. Dompet Dhuafa executive director Ahmad Juwaini wrote an open blog posting to the Finance Minister Agus Martowardojo requesting that a specific tax deduction be created for zakat.

This would allow, for example, zakat donors who pay 5 percent of their income to the state coffers to offset their tax burden by 2.5 percent, making zakat virtually part of taxes.

The proposal has been around since the dawn of the Reform era. Advocates lobbied the House of Representatives during deliberations on the Zakat Management law in 2009 and again in 2011, when it was revised.

The head of Forum Zakat (FOZ), Sri Adi Bramasetia, said that the deduction was a good idea but more incentives were needed.

He said that Indonesians could donate up to Rp 217 trillion in zakat and that giving alms for tax deductions would not reduce the state coffers. He said that in countries such as Saudi Arabia, taxation and zakat affairs were managed under one department.

On preferential treatment of Muslims, Bramasetia said that other faiths could also follow Islamic-based charities and demand tax deductions for those who give alms.

— JP/Prodita Sabarini

The Jakarta Post | Reportage | Tue, August 21 2012

‘Zakat’ programs change the lives of beneficiaries

 (Antara/M. Risyal Hidayat)
(Antara/M. Risyal Hidayat)

Abdul Karim is the first in his family to go to college.

The father of the 22-year-old died when he was in junior high school; his mother farms a small plot in his hometown of Cirebon, West Java. His three older sisters only finished junior high school. Some are currently migrant workers.

Coming from a poor family, Karim was once uncertain about his future. At school, he was smart, getting top grades and even entering an international class for talented students in high school. “There were 25 students and we started at 6 a.m.,” Karim said.

One day, a fellow graduate of his high school told Karim to apply for the Etos scholarship given by alms agency Dompet Dhuafa.

With his friends in tow, Karim traveled to Dompet Dhuafa’s offices in Bandung, West Java, and applied. Now, he is in his seventh semester at the University of Indonesia. He studies geophysics and aspires to be a geothermal expert.

Stories such as Karim’s are not rare. Since the 1990s, Indonesia has seen a rise in the number of alms agencies and foundations that focus on economic empowerment, education, health, disaster response and religious development.

Sri Adi Bramasetia, the head of Forum Zakat and the deputy chief of another charitable group, the Community Caring Justice Post (PKPU), provided a breakdown on where zakat money goes. “Around 30 up to 40 percent goes to economic empowerment,” he said. Education and health each receive around 20 percent while the rest went to disaster response and religious development, he said.

Dompet Dhuafa executive director Ahmad Juwaini said that his organization focused on education and health, although it also was involved in education. “Everywhere I go, I meet recipients of Dompet Dhuafa scholarships. Once I was interviewed by a TV journalist. After the interview he said that he was a recipient of our scholarship”. The organization currently funds 400 students and can boast of having helped more than 2,000 graduates.

The PKPU meanwhile, focuses on economic empowerment programs designed to lift people from poverty, according to Bramasetia. Its programs include providing grant money to set up micro-finance co-ops or for capacity building programs.

Bramasetia said that they changed their performance measures in 2010. “We no longer set our targets based on the zakat we collect, but on the number of people we help”. The group set a target of helping 1.5 million people last year. This year, its target is 1.6 million people.

“Our goal is for the programs to reach as many people as possible”.

Prodita Sabarini, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | National | Tue, August 21 2012

Shop and do good at the malls

To remind mall-rats that their money can serve other purposes than simply shopping, Islamic charity organizations have gone to the malls and opened for business.

Alms foundations, such as Dompet Dhuafa and the Community Caring Justice Post (PKPU), have set up counters in various malls and shopping centers. That way, whenever Muslims go to shop they are reminded that they also have a duty to give away some of their money to the less fortunate, particularly ahead of the highly consumptive Idul Fitri celebrations.

“We can’t just wait passively [to collect alms]. We have to, as the saying goes, ‘get on the ball’, and we see that potential zakat [alms] payers go to malls,” Dompet Dhuafa executive director Ahmad Juwaini said.

Zakat, mandatory alms, is one of the five pillars of Islam. Paying zakat through malls breaks from the tradition of channeling it through mosques or giving it directly to the needy.

Dompet Dhuafa, the private alms foundation that pioneered professional zakat management in Indonesia in 1993, first opened their counters in office buildings, such as the Jakarta Stock Exchange, according to Ahmad. Eventually, they spotted the potential of malls.

In Jakarta, its counters can be found at Senayan City and Plaza Senayan, as well as Blok M Plaza and Pejaten Village.

Handaka Santosa, head of the Indonesian Association of Shopping Centers (APPBI) said that shopping centers were commonly used as meeting points. “We can use them to create awareness of zakat and provide the facilities for that,” he said.

The emergence of Dompet Dhuafa has led to the establishment of 19 national private alms foundations in addition to the government-run National Alms Agency (BAZNAS) and its regional chapters. Zakat collection by these faith-based charitable organizations continues to rise with an average increase of 24 percent annually. Last year, the organizations collected Rp 1.7 trillion (US$178.5 million).

Ahmad said that while the majority of zakat donations come through online bank transfers, donations from zakat counters in malls can account for more than Rp 1 billion.

PKPU deputy CEO Sri Adi Bramasetia said that counters at malls were quite effective in collecting mandatory and voluntary donations. Last year, the counters collected Rp 1.8 billion in mandatory and
voluntary alms, he said.

In addition, Ahmad said, “because the owners and managers of other counters in the malls see us every day, we reach them as well.”

Prodita Sabarini, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Headlines | Tue, August 21 2012

By the way … Putting men in a tight spot

I propose that men be banned from wearing tight pants that leave little to the imagination. Those pants are often provocative and distracting. Let’s ban tight pants because they are — to use the words of our Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali — pornographic.

The minister heads the anti-porn task force and has to make a list of criteria of what is considered pornographic to effectively ban it.

Our Pornography Law doesn’t help him much as it has a sweeping definition on pornography: “Sexual materials made by people … that can arouse sexual desires and/or violate public moral values”.

So far, skirts that are worn above the knee have made it onto his list. By that logic, tight pants would be on that list, too. They are not only highly suggestive but also troubling.

Everyone, from punk rockers to corporate workers and men in uniform — whose tasks are, among others, to maintain public order — wear tight pants. It’s hard to do your job well when your derriere is the source of public curiosity.

See, I — and maybe some other women out there — get aroused by what those pants hide, or rather, emphasize. When those cops are waving their hands on the street, they think they’re helping the traffic to flow better. But we don’t! At least, I’m too busy checking out their cute butts.

For public decency and men’s own safety, no visible contours of a man’s behind in the streets should be available for public consumption. This is a matter of great importance.

Tights pants are so disturbing; they make me want to rape those beautiful men. Rape is bad. It’s awful. But it’s not entirely my fault to have such a desire to dominate and emasculate men when they dress so outrageously.

I’ll stop being a wisecrack and address some serious questions to my male compatriots. How did you feel about a sexual fantasy of raping you because of your “provocative” clothing? Do you find that normal and acceptable? Unless you’re into some dominatrix sex, it’s safe to say many of you will feel disgusted, offended, hated, objectified and violated.

Think about those feelings. Think about the shock, anger and shame that swells inside of you when you read my comments.

This is exactly how many women feel when they walk the street and get wolf-whistles, or when men in power try to control what women should wear in the pretext of protecting them women from rape.

Many of our male politicians seem to condone the hostile behavior of men toward women.

When a spate of sexual assaults on Jakarta’s public transportation system happened late last year, Governor Fauzi Bowo’s first reaction was to tell women not to wear miniskirts on buses.

When sexual assaults hit the House of Representatives, Speaker Marzuki Alie moved to ban mini-skirts in the legislature, adding an irresponsible comment along the way: “You know how men are.”

I beg to differ. Let’s suppose that not all men are weak-willed creatures who are helpless at keeping their sexual urges in check.

A man confident in his sexual behavior would never see a woman wearing a miniskirt as an invitation for rape. Real men would know how to appreciate beauty and to enchant a woman with his personality. A real man does not rape — he charms.

Only very frustrated men would object to seeing women wearing miniskirts. Their frustration stems from knowing they have no chance of wooing these women, either by virtue of their lack of confidence or by being in a committed relationship with another person.

Well, tough luck. As Mick Jagger sang to his then lover, “You can’t always get what you want”.

But, in a world where men have a sense of entitlement over women, it is difficult to get across to them that women are individuals and not sexual objects nor reproductive machines.

Sexual assault is a degrading crime. Humiliation comes when the offender takes away the victim’s control over his or her body, robbing them of their autonomy and dignity as free human beings.

The suffering of rape victims is horrendous enough without other people putting the blame on the victim for how they dress.

No one has the right to violate another person. There are no excuses. The danger is in the eye of the beholder, not in the object of beauty. The culprit is the rapist, not the victim’s torn clothes.

— Prodita Sabarini

The Jakarta Post | Headlines | Sun, April 22 2012

A bittersweet tale of Australia’s Black Capital

Sacred fire dance: Aboriginal men dance around a sacred fire at the 40th anniversary of Aboriginal Tent Embassy in Canberra.
Sacred fire dance: Aboriginal men dance around a sacred fire at the 40th anniversary of Aboriginal Tent Embassy in Canberra.

In Sydney’s inner-city neighborhood of Redfern, there is a building with the city skyline as its background. Its whole side is painted with a yellow circle in the center, a block of black paint on top and red on the bottom. These are the colors and symbols of the Aboriginal Australian flag. The painting on the side of the building is apt for the area, as Redfern has for years been the heart of black Sydney.

It became a clear choice too for Sydney Festival organizers to select Redfern as the location for their Indigenous art program. The biggest cultural event in Sydney, the event is a summer-long citywide festival of music, film, visual and performing arts. This year, for the first time since its inception in 1977, the organizers dedicated a program, with the moniker “Black Capital”, for contemporary indigenous art. Carriageworks Gallery, the site for Black Capital is located in the old Eveleigh rail yards that drew thousands of indigenous people from rural areas to work there in the 1920s.

Redfern for Aboriginal communities in Australia has been the center for the indigenous peoples’ rights movement. The building with the Aboriginal flag painted on its side is located in an area of Redfern called “The Block”, nearly 8,000 square meters of land owned by the Aboriginal Housing Company. In 1972, at the start of Aboriginal land rights movement, activists won a grant to purchase the land for indigenous peoples, who at that time were under threat of eviction. Redfern is the birthplace of the first Aboriginal Legal Service and the first Aboriginal Medical Service. A few meters away from the “Aboriginal flag” building is a concrete wall that borders the bridge over the train tracks from Redfern Station. The wall is covered with murals depicting the story of the Eora nation, the land of Aboriginal tribes of Sydney.

Yet for the broader Sydney community, as drugs came in the area in the 1990s, Redfern became notorious for violence and crime. Many of Sydney residents’ in the 90s avoided going through Redfern, or if there was no alternative route, being vigilant about locking their car doors as they drove through it, lest they get mugged. Racial tensions between Aboriginal people in Redfern and the police escalated in 2004, when a riot broke out after the death of a teenage Aboriginal boy who crashed his bicycle into a fence and was impaled while fleeing the police.

Today’s Redfern has changed from the dark image of drugs and violence. Crime rates have dropped and property prices have increased. As places like “The Block” are scheduled for redevelopment, Redfern is slowly becoming gentrified, with little cafes, restaurants and small bars opening up. Meanwhile, its rich history as the center of the Aboriginal peoples’ rights movement in Sydney continues to be an inspiration for indigenous Australians and the city’s broader society.

The stories of Redfern became the soul of The Traveling Colony, the work of artist Brook Andrew for the Black Capital. The artist painted seven mobile homes with vibrant colors based on patterns from his mother’s indigenous tribe, the Wiradjuri. The trailers were parked along Macquarie Street on Jan. 7, the festival’s opening and were visited by thousands of Sydney residents. Since then, the mobile homes have been moved, and are now being showcased in the foyer of the Carriageworks Gallery until March 4.

Each mobile home has different interior settings, uniquely decorated from one another. The trailers offer different points of view both artistically and literally, as a video of a Redfern resident telling his or her story plays on a television set inside each unit.

The videos show people from different generations, from young Redfern artists such as Rarriwuy Hick and Corey “Little Nooky” Webster, to longtime Aboriginal rights activist Jenny Munro and Les Maleser. They answer the artist’s questions such as “What’s the most exciting thing that has happened in Redfern?”, “Have you imagined a different Redfern?” and “Who are your favorite stars?”

Andrew, who is based in Melbourne, explained in an email that the interviews reflected the personal ideas of the people in Redfern. “The work is personal,” he responded when asked whether “Traveling Colony” has any political intent. “As Aboriginal people, we have always been quite independent and made things happen for our people. I think this is reflected in their stories.”

Andrew said that the mobile homes were to house “the humble and powerful voices of the locals of Redfern and their personal stories. We are privileged to hear them speak. The trailer is like a holiday or a keeping place of culture. With my designs on them, they become a kind of special sacred place for sharing important stories,” he wrote.

What is personal in the stories is also deeply and radically political. Munro, slim with a short pixie haircut and a smoker’s lips, says in her video interview that she imagines a different Redfern. “Hell, I imagined a different Australia many times,” Munro says. “A black parliament, for example,” she added. “Yeah, I’ve imagined a different place, a different country many times.”

Munro dreams of a treaty being signed between the government and the Indigenous peoples. After the 1970s Aboriginal land rights movement, talk of a signing of a treaty was signaled by the Labor government in the 1980s. However, due to objections from the opposition, a “reconciliation process” was put forward instead. More than 30 years later, the process of reconciliation has yet to be finalized and indigenous Australians are still the most impoverished minority in the country. Indigenous peoples are over-represented in state prisons and have a 10- to 17-year gap in life expectancy compared to non-indigenous peoples. In the Northern Territory of Australia, Aboriginal people are subjected to welfare restrictions and bans on pornography and alcohol, a policy considered racist by the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples. The latest promise for reconciliation is a referendum to amend the Constitution by 2013 to recognize indigenous peoples as the first Australians.

Munro rejected the idea of constitutional reform. “The constitution is the basis of the racism. It’s the founding document of racism. Its intent is racist, its content is racist, its effect is racist,” she said. “Chuck the whole document out. Let’s talk about a treaty.

“Let’s sit around the table as equals, not this giving-us-crumbs-underneath-the-table situation. We are equal at the table and we decide as a group what’s contained in that treaty and it’s by consensus. It’s not by force — white is right or might is right,” she said.

Munro said that country has flourished for thousands of years before the 1788, the year the first fleet of British settlers arrived. “We’ve been sick since then and that’s because of the disease that came here, called racism,” she said.

“The constitution is the basis of the racism. It’s the founding document of racism. Its intent is racist.”

Munro moved to Redfern as a young woman in 1972, the year the protest for the Aboriginal land rights movement in Canberra started. She said that Redfern was a bastion of radicalism and she was actively part in it. She was on the board of the Aboriginal Housing Company for 20 years. Her radical spirit never waned over the years, and in the video interview, her grief shows through as she laments the growing conservatism among Aboriginal people.

Andrew said that his The Traveling Colony installation was a reflection of the rich cultural and social history of Redfern. “I think the work also reflects another side of Redfern that some people don’t understand, the passion and local,” he wrote. Listening to Munro’s voice in The Traveling Colony, one also glimpses the complexity of the reconciliation process.

There are mixed views on the issue of reconciliation among indigenous peoples in Australia. Munro is part of a more radical group that demands a treaty. On Jan. 26, she was among the thousand-strong march that rallied in Canberra, celebrating the 40th anniversary of the Aboriginal Tent Embassy, a movement that has grown to be a symbol of the struggle for sovereignty and self-determination for Aboriginal and Torres Strait islanders.

The Tent Embassy rally became rowdy as hundreds of protesters picketed a nearby restaurant where Prime Minister Julia Gillard and Opposition leader Tony Abbot were holding a function. The national leaders fled the scene under tight security and the mainstream Australian media portrayed the incident as a violent protest, disseminating a view that the group has a confrontational approach.

On the other hand, there are other groups of indigenous peoples, who sought a softer reconciliatory approach. Among them is a revered Aboriginal activist, Patrick Dodson, who co-chaired the expert panel that provided recommendations to the government for Constitutional changes in January. Dodson believes that there is a possibility of reconciliation through a referendum to recognize indigenous peoples in the constitution of Australia.

Dodson acknowledged the different ways Aboriginal groups assert their political rights. “I will always condemn bad manners and unnecessarily aggressive behavior by whomever. But, I will always defend people’s rights to assert their political position and try to look to the heart of why people feel so oppressed that they feel violent confrontation is the only recourse to the resolution of their position,” he said in a speech late last month at the University of New South Wales.

Amid the complexity of reconciliation, Sydney Festival’s Black Capital holds indigenous people’s contribution to Sydney’s art and cultural sphere in high regard, while addressing these challenging issues.

Sydney Festival director Lindy Hume said that Sydney has always been an important site for the indigenous peoples of Australia. Pre-dating the Aboriginal movement in Redfern, Aboriginal tribes in Sydney were the first to encounter the British fleet that would later colonize the land. “We wanted to try to celebrate that aspect of Sydney in some ways. The significance [of Black Capital] is to shine a light on a part of Sydney that is quite often thought of as problematic and complex — certainly not the kind of picture post card of Sydney that fits the tourist version of Sydney”.

Along with The Traveling Colony, Black Capital presents Wesley Enoch’s play I am Eora, a performance that explore the different archetypes in Aboriginal society. Prominent characters include the Aboriginal warrior and general Pemulwuy, who was decapitated by the British; the interpreter/reconciler Bennelong who was deemed by some Aboriginal people as a traitor; and the nurturer, Barangaroo, the wife of Bennelong. Black Capital also presents a concert by the Barefoot Divas and the exhibition and symposium of the history of black theater in Sydney.

The production of Black Capital is in its own way a reconciliatory process, as both indigenous and non-indigenous people worked together in producing artwork and performances that remind people of this special history. Andrew said that Black Capital was “a wonderful nod to the important history of Aboriginal people in Sydney”.

Black Capital was three years in the making, according to Hume. She said that the festival’s organizers consulted with Aboriginal communities in Sydney. She said that there is a sense of confidence and enthusiasm from the Aboriginal communities on Sydney Festival in a way that has never been shown before.

Hume also added that Black Capital brought contemporary indigenous art to a broader audience. “We were able to bring to the mainstream audience the work, the ideas and the imagination and the talent of particularly Aboriginal artists — a narrative of Sydney that hasn’t been understood very well by non-Aboriginal Sydney.”

Dodson said in his speech that the Aboriginal people of Australia and the colonizing people have been locked in an endless endeavor “to come to terms with each other’s place on this continent” since their first encounter in Botany Bay more than 200 years ago.

Whether this country will finally be able to heal the wounds of colonialism and close the gap between indigenous and non-indigenous people is yet to be seen. Andrew personally has mixed views on the government’s proposed reconciliation process. “I am not sure how we can reconcile on this vast issue when there are so many diverse Aboriginal nations in this country. It’s a long process that means different things to different people. Recognition and the revealing of the real history of this country needs to come and be acknowledged more thoroughly first”.

Prodita Sabarini, The Jakarta Post, Sydney | Feature | Thu, February 23 2012

Australian PM flees Aboriginal rights protesters on national day

Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard and opposition leader Tony Abbott have escaped from a group of protesters rallying for Aboriginal peoples rights on Australia Day.

Gillard and Abbott had been presenting National Emergency Medals in a restaurant close to the nation’s parliament on Thursday, as part of official Australia Day celebrations.

Some 200 meters away, around 1,000 people had gathered in front of the former parliament house to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the Aboriginal “Tent Embassy”, a protest site symbolizing the Aboriginal people’s struggle for self-determination and sovereignty.

Knowing that the leaders were close by, some 200 protesters marched to the restaurant, chanting “shame” and “racist” in response to Abbott’s remarks, made earlier in the day in Sydney, regarding about the relevance of the Tent Embassy. Abbot was quoted by the AAP news agency as saying that he understood why the Tent Embassy was set up but “a lot has changed since then and I think it probably is time to move on from that”.

Police and security officers rushed the prime minister and the opposition leader out of the restaurant. Gillard reportedly tumbled and lost a shoe as she was dragged away by a bodyguard.

Four Aboriginal men — Michael Anderson, Billy Craigie, Bertie Williams and Tony Coorey — started the protest under a parasol in front of the then parliamentary building on Jan. 26, 1972, in response to government policy that rejected Aboriginal freehold land rights.

They named the site the “Aboriginal Embassy” as they felt that the policies made them foreigners in their own land. The Tent Embassy has grown to become a symbol of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders peoples’ struggle for self-
determination rights.

The anniversary of the Tent Embassy falls on the Australia Day, a controversial date that some Indigenous Australians have dubbed “Invasion Day” as it marks the arrival of the first British fleet to Sydney.

Supporters of the Tent Embassy encircled a sacred fire and placed eucalyptus leaves to honor Aboriginal ancestors before speeches were conducted.

Aboriginal elder and activist Lyle Munroe told the gathering that when Captain Cook discovered Australia he found 500 different tribes and 800 different dialects.

“The high court has said that Captain Cook lied, virtually lied when he came out here. He said it was terra nullius, it was an empty land, only him and his ship crew were on the land and he came to the island and he claimed the island England.”

The Australian government is currently looking to change the country’s constitution to include recognition of the Indigenous people as the first Australians. An expert panel has submitted their recommendation for the constitutional reform last week. The government has promised a referendum to be held by the next election, which is expected in 2013.

However, some activists at Tent Embassy rejected the idea of constitutional reform and said the panel of experts did not represent the whole Aboriginal community.

Anderson, the only surviving member of the four Tent Embassy founders, said he did not want a constitutional reform.

“We want a treaty. We want to talk on an equal level, because we share sovereignty in this country,” he told The Jakarta Post, adding that activists were looking at lodging court cases with the European Court of Human Rights, the criminal courts and under United States tort law.

The Aboriginal people are the most impoverished minority of Australians, with a gap in life expectancy of 17 years compared to non-Indigenous Australians.

Prodita Sabarini, The Jakarta Post, Canberra | World | Fri, January 27 2012

Noam Chomsky: Remember the Santa Cruz massacre

American philosopher and linguist Noam Chomsky said justice was escaping human rights abuse victims, as he spoke of Indonesia’s dark period in East Timor (now Timor Leste) with the Santa Cruz Massacre 20 years ago, and the West’s complicity in that episode of violence.
Noam Chomsky: BloombergNoam Chomsky: Bloomberg

The prolific left-wing thinker gave his lecture on “Revolutionary Pacifism” in Sydney’s Town Hall recently as he received the Sydney Peace Prize awarded annually by the Sydney Peace Foundation.

“Another anniversary that should be in our minds today is of the massacre in the Santa Cruz graveyard in Dili just 20 years ago, the most publicized of a great many shocking atrocities during the Indonesian invasion and annexation of East Timor,” he said.

Twenty years ago on Nov. 12 in Dili, the military fired on civilians attending a memorial service of a resistance fighter, killing 270 people. Sixteen years earlier, with the backing of the US and Australia’s encouragement, Indonesia annexed East Timor.

Although the Indonesian government considers the chapter of its violent past in East Timor closed since it acknowledged a bilateral truth commission’s report that concluded — without naming individuals — that Indonesia committed gross human rights violations during East Timor’s 1999 break for Independence, Chomsky, citing the UN’s Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, considers it to be a continuing offense.

“The demands of justice can remain unfulfilled long after peace has been declared. The Santa Cruz massacre 20 years ago can serve as an illustration,” he said. “The fate of the disappeared is unknown, and the offenders have not been brought to justice, including those who continue to conceal the crimes of complicity and participation.”

Human rights organization Amnesty International recently urged the Indonesian government to reveal the details of the shooting in Santa Cruz.

Chomsky’s reminder of the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators and those who were complicit in the violence carried out in East Timor was an illustration of his general theme of his lecture on “Revolutionary Pacifism”. He quoted American pacifist thinker and social activist A.J. Muste, who “disdained the search for peace without justice”. Chomsky quoted Muste’s warning 45 years ago: “The problem after a war is with the victor. He thinks he has just proved that war and violence pay. Who will teach him a lesson?”

In his lecture, Chomsky recalled Australia’s dismissive attitude on the invasion, quoting former Australian foreign minister Gareth Evans a couple of months before the Santa Cruz massacre as saying, “The world is a pretty unfair place … littered … with examples of acquisitions of force.” At the same time, Australia and Indonesia made a deal for East Timor’s oil.

The former foreign minister stood his ground that Australia had nothing to answer for morally in the annexation of East Timor by Indonesia. Chomsky said that this stance “can be adopted and even respected by those who emerge victorious”. He added, “In the US and Britain, the question is not even asked in polite society.”

Chomsky said that bringing the offenders and those who concealed and were complicit in the crime was the one indication of “how far we must go to rise to some respectable level of civilized behavior”.

The director of the Sydney Peace Foundation, Stuart Rees, as he introduced Chomsky to a standing ovation audience at Sydney Town Hall on Nov. 2, said that Chomsky was chosen for the peace prize as he had been committed to peace with global justice, to human rights and freedom of speech.

In the US, Chomsky has been criticized for his response on the assassination on Osama bin Laden. Chomsky reiterated his criticism on the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq after 9/11 and the killing of Bin Laden in his lecture in Sydney. Chomsky said that the killing of Bin Laden abandoned the “doctrine of ‘presumption of innocence’”.

Chomsky joined Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Arundhati Roy, Sir William Deane and former secretary-general of Amnesty International Irene Khan as recipients of the Sydney Peace Prize.

Some 2,000 people attended his lecture at the historical building of Sydney Town Hall. In his soft-spoken manner, he mentioned that the public had the power to question the victors of war. In the case of East Timor, he said that in 1999, the pressure from the Australian public and media convinced former US president Bill Clinton to tell the Indonesian generals “that the game was over, at which point they immediately withdrew allowing an Australian-led peacekeeping force to enter.”

Chomsky said that there was a lesson for the public in that episode, as Clinton could have delivered the orders earlier, which would have prevented the massacre.

The social thinker read his lecture sentence by sentence in a calm and monotonous tone. His manner of speech did not boast any exemplary oratorical skill; however, the content was clear and his message was direct; and included in that message was that the strategy carried out by the US in the war on terror was destabilizing and radicalizing the Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal.

A professor of linguistics at MIT, Chomsky has long been criticizing American foreign policy.

According to The Guardian, he joins Marx, Shakespeare and the Bible as one of the 10 most-quoted sources in humanities and the only one among the writers who is still alive. With the Sydney Peace Prize, Chomsky won a A$50,000 (US$51,030) prize.

Prodita Sabarini, The Jakarta Post, Sydney | People | Fri, December 02 2011